what does it mean to the president when he is impeached

The research into President Trump has the potential to reshape his presidency. Here's how impeachment works.

The Trump administration refused to share a whistle-blower complaint, related to Mr. Trump's communications with Ukraine's president, with Congress.

Credit... Doug Mills/The New York Times

WASHINGTON — Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced Tuesday that the House would launch a formal impeachment inquiry in response to the dispute over Mr. Trump's efforts to pressure Ukraine to investigate his potential 2020 rival, former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr.

The rising furor has heightened interest in how the impeachment process works. Here's what you demand to know:

The Constitution permits Congress to remove presidents before their term is up if enough lawmakers vote to say that they committed "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors."

Only two presidents take been impeached — Andrew Johnson in 1868 and Nib Clinton in 1998 — and both were ultimately acquitted and completed their terms in part. Richard Yard. Nixon resigned in 1974 to avert being impeached.

The term "high crimes and misdemeanors" came out of the British common law tradition: it was the sort of offense that Parliament cited in removing crown officials for centuries. Essentially, it means an abuse of ability past a high-level public official. This does not necessarily have to be a violation of an ordinary criminal statute.

In 1788, as supporters of the Constitution were urging states to ratify the document, Alexander Hamilton described impeachable crimes in one of the Federalist Papers as "those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust. They are of a nature which may with peculiar propriety be denominated POLITICAL, as they relate chiefly to injuries washed immediately to the order itself."

In both the Nixon and the Clinton cases, the House Judiciary Commission first held an investigation and recommended articles of impeachment to the full House. In theory, still, the House of Representatives could instead gear up up a special panel to handle the proceedings — or but hold a floor vote on such articles without any committee vetting them.

When the full Business firm votes on articles of impeachment, if at least 1 gets a majority vote, the president is impeached — which is substantially the equivalent of being indicted.

Adjacent, the proceedings move to the Senate, which is to hold a trial overseen by the main justice of the Us.

A squad of lawmakers from the House, known equally managers, play the part of prosecutors. The president has defence force lawyers, and the Senate serves as the jury.

If at to the lowest degree two-thirds of the senators find the president guilty, he is removed, and the vice president takes over as president. There is no appeal.

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Credit... Erin Schaff/The New York Times

This has been a subject of dispute. During the Nixon and Clinton impeachment efforts, the full House voted for resolutions directing the Business firm Judiciary Committee to open up the inquiries. Only information technology is not clear whether that stride is strictly necessary, considering impeachment proceedings against other officials, like a onetime federal judge in 1989, began at the committee level.

The Firm Judiciary Commission, led by Representative Jerrold Nadler, Democrat of New York, has claimed — including in court filings — that the console is already engaged in an impeachment investigation. Mr. Trump's Justice Section has argued that since there has been no Business firm resolution, the committee is just engaged in a routine oversight proceeding.

Ms. Pelosi did not say in her announcement that she intended to bring any resolution to the floor.

Whether or non it is necessary, it has not been clear whether a resolution to formally outset an impeachment inquiry would pass a House vote, although the number of Democrats who support ane has recently been surging. As of tardily Tuesday, The New York Times counted 203 members who said they favored impeachment proceedings, 88 who said they opposed them or were undecided, and 144 who had non responded to the question.

There are no set rules. Rather, the Senate passes a resolution first laying out trial procedures.

"When the Senate decided what the rules were going to be for our trial, they really fabricated them up as they went along," Gregory B. Craig, who helped defend Mr. Clinton in his impeachment proceeding and later served equally White Business firm counsel to President Barack Obama, told The Times in 2017.

For example, Mr. Craig said, the initial rules in that case gave Republican managers 4 days to make a case for conviction, followed past four days for the president's legal team to defend him. These were substantially opening statements. The Senate then decided whether to hear witnesses, and if so, whether it would exist alive or on videotape. Somewhen, the Senate permitted each side to depose several witnesses by videotape.

The rules adopted by the Senate in the Clinton trial — including ones limiting the number of witnesses and the length of depositions — fabricated information technology harder to prove a example compared with trials in federal courtroom, said former Representative Bob Barr, Republican of Georgia who served as a Firm manager during the trial and is also a former Us attorney.

"Impeachment is a fauna unto itself," Mr. Barr said. "The jury in a criminal case doesn't set the rules for a case and tin't make up one's mind what show they want to come across and what they won't."

The Constitution does not specify many, making impeachment and removal every bit much a question of political will as of legal analysis.

For example, the Constitution does not detail how lawmakers may cull to interpret what does or does not plant impeachable "treason, blackmail, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Similarly, there is no established standard of proof that must be met.

The Constitution clearly envisions that if the House impeaches a federal official, the next step is for the Senate to hold a trial. But in that location is no obvious enforcement mechanism if Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the bulk leader, were to merely refuse to convene one — just as he refused to permit a confirmation hearing and vote on Mr. Obama's nominee, Judge Merrick Garland, to fill a Supreme Courtroom vacancy in 2016.

Still Walter Dellinger, a Duke Academy police force professor and a onetime acting solicitor general in the Clinton administration, said it is unclear whether it would be Mr. McConnell or Principal Justice John Thou. Roberts Jr. who wields the authority to convene the Senate for the purpose of considering House-passed articles of impeachment.

Either style, though, he noted that the Republican bulk in the Senate could vote to immediately dismiss the case without any consideration of the evidence if it wanted.

To date, Senate Republicans have given no indication that they would break with Mr. Trump, especially in numbers sufficient to remove him from office. In their internal debate about what to do, some Democrats have argued that this political reality means that they should instead focus on trying to beat out him in the 2020 ballot, on the theory that an acquittal in the Senate might backfire by strengthening him politically. Others take argued that impeaching him is a moral necessity to deter future presidents from interim like Mr. Trump, even if Senate Republicans are likely to keep him in office.

In that same Federalist Paper written in 1788, Mr. Hamilton wrote that the inherently political nature of impeachment proceedings would exist certain to polarize the land.

Their prosecution, he wrote, "will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, and to split up it into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused. In many cases information technology will connect itself with the pre-existing factions, and volition enlist all their animosities, partialities, influence and interest on ane side or on the other; and in such cases there volition always be the greatest danger that the decision will be regulated more by the comparative strength of parties, than past the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt."

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Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/24/us/politics/impeachment-trump-explained.html

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